Democracy, while fragile, is resilient – if we fight for it

Kira Alberts

As South Africa marks 30 years of democracy, there’s no doubt that we’ve come a long way.

This year’s election marks a significant shift in South African politics: the once-dominant ANC has lost its majority, and a Government of National Unity now holds the reins. While this coalition comes with its fair share of uncertainty, there’s also a sense of cautious optimism. Maybe –just maybe – we’re on the brink of something better. But beneath this optimism, it’s crucial to acknowledge that our democracy is far from secure.

Varieties of Democracy, a global research organisation measuring democratic quality, recently called South Africa a “near miss of autocracy.” The knee-jerk reaction might be: “Us? An autocracy? But we vote!”

Yes, we vote. But democracy is so much more than that, and South Africa is missing the mark on several critical fronts. Instead of rehashing our well-known struggles – economic inequality, corruption, state capture, etc – I want to offer a new perspective in celebration of this year’s International Day of Democracy on Sunday, September 15.

Moisés Naím, in his book The Revenge of Power: How Autocrats Are Reinventing Politics for the 21st Century (2022), identifies three major forces eroding democracies worldwide: populism, polarisation, and post-truth politics. These aren’t just abstract academic concepts; they’re staring us squarely in the face right here in South Africa.

Populism thrives on the promise of “power to the people”, but more often than not, it ends up consolidating power in the hands of a few. In South Africa, populist rhetoric has created a political environment where leaders play to the frustrations of the masses while doing everything possible to avoid accountability.

The biggest and most obvious example is the fallout from the state capture era. Those implicated in corruption scandals – Jacob Zuma comes to mind – have managed to flip the narrative, portraying themselves as victims of elite conspiracies. And they’re getting away with it.

More recently, we’ve seen this same playbook used with the rise of the MK Party (MKP), a new player in South Africa’s crowded political scene. The MKP, in case you haven’t been paying attention, has appointed controversial figures like former Eskom CEO Brian Molefe and former Transnet CEO Siyabonga Gama – both of whom have faced fraud and corruption charges.

How did they justify these choices?

Easy. They claimed that these leaders were unfairly “hounded out” by the Ramaphosa-led ANC and the neo-colonial elite. It’s textbook populism: deflect blame, spin a conspiracy, and never admit fault.

Populism isn’t just an annoyance. It’s dangerous. It distorts public anger and channels it away from the very systems of accountability that democracy relies on. Even our judiciary, which has so far held the line, has been under attack.

Just last year, we saw efforts to undermine the Constitutional Court when it didn’t play along with the populist agenda. And let’s not forget the Electoral Commission, which seems to take the blame every time a party isn’t happy with election results.

When accountability is eroded, politicians feel emboldened to do whatever they like – usually at the expense of ordinary citizens. And that’s where the rot really starts to take hold.

Naím’s second force, polarisation, is acutely felt in South Africa’s fractured society. Political, racial, and economic divisions continue to widen, fuelled by a legacy of apartheid and deep economic inequality. Polarisation weakens democracy by creating an “us-versus-them” mentality, where dialogue and consensus-building become nearly impossible.

We only need to look at the parties across the political spectrum to see how bad it’s gotten. The MKP is trying to walk back its Zulu nationalist rhetoric, but the damage is done. Other parties, like the EFF, Patriotic Alliance or Freedom Front Plus, are quick to fan the flames of division whenever it serves their interests. The DA, too, has often been accused of prioritising white interests.

South Africa’s socio-economic inequality is not just a statistic; it’s a lived experience for millions. Desperation breeds division, and populist leaders seize on this desperation, offering simple, often divisive, solutions such as “foreign nationals are stealing your jobs”; “the media is biased”; or “land reform will solve everything”.

It’s a dangerous cycle. Populism feeds off polarisation, and polarisation, in turn, weakens the democratic structures that could hold populist leaders accountable.

In today’s post-truth era, political discourse is shaped more by emotional appeal than by factual accuracy. South Africa is no exception. This is the third force Naím identifies, and it’s one we should be particularly worried about.

Facebook and WhatsApp have become primary sources of information for much of the population. However, these platforms are also breeding grounds for disinformation, with little or no accountability for falsehoods.

The looting and violence of July 2021 is a case in point. As the unrest unfolded, social media was flooded with fake news, with claims that private militias were running rampant in townships, and others saying the government itself orchestrated the chaos.

This spread of disinformation stoked fear and deepened societal divides.

Populist politicians are some of the biggest offenders when it comes to spreading disinformation. Why bother telling the truth when a convenient lie works so much better?

And the thing about big lies is, the more often you tell them, the more people start to believe them. In a post-truth world, the line between reality and fiction becomes so blurred that facts lose their power.

The convergence of populism, polarisation, and post-truth politics is a dangerous trifecta that threatens to dismantle the democratic foundation South Africa fought so hard to build.

So, where does this leave us?

There is much to be done and even more to defend. It’s understandable that South Africans are exhausted –tired of load-shedding, tired of empty promises, and tired of the lies.

But history has shown that when we reach a breaking point, we demand change – and we get it. The first step toward revitalising our democracy is to reject dishonesty as the status quo.

We must hold our leaders accountable for their actions and words, and insist that truth and integrity be at the heart of our political culture. Lies should never be excused as “politics as usual,” and the destructive “3Ps” should not become entrenched in our democracy.

As we observe the International Day of Democracy, we must remember that while democracy is fragile, it is also resilient – if we fight for it.

Populism, polarisation, and post truth politics can only gain ground if we allow them to. The next time a politician tries to sell us a convenient lie, let’s remind ourselves that we deserve better.

* Alberts is a Master's student in political science and a research associate at the Centre for Research on Democracy (CREDO) at Stellenbosch University.

Cape Times